There is growing uncertainty within the camp of Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo, following indications that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration is in the process of revoking the multi-billion-naira pipeline surveillance contract awarded to private operators in the Niger Delta and is specifically targeting the former militant leader and his brothers who run Tantita Security Services Limited.
ENigeria Newspaper exclusively gathered that the contract, reportedly valued at approximately N48 billion annually, is now about $144 million following an upward review and formed part of the Federal Government’s strategy to combat crude oil theft, illegal refining, and pipeline vandalism in the oil-producing region.
Ekpemupolo (Tompolo), a former leader of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), is widely regarded as a central figure in the current surveillance framework. His firm, Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, is among the companies engaged to protect critical oil infrastructure in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Other firms linked to the arrangement include Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria Limited, owned by His Majesty Ogiame Atuwatse III, Olu of Warri, and Maton Engineering Limited, owned by Mathew Tonlagha.
The contract has become one of the most politically sensitive elements of Nigeria’s oil security architecture, both because of its financial scale and its reliance on private security operators with deep regional influence.
Review of Oil Theft Strategy
Inside sources indicated that the Federal Government’s review is part of a broader reassessment of measures aimed at increasing crude oil production and stabilizing export volumes. Oil theft and sabotage have continued to affect output, including a recent publication by this newspaper indicating that Nigeria has failed to meet its 1.5 million barrels per day (mbpd) crude oil production quota approved by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). This development comes with implications on public revenue and foreign exchange inflows.
ENigeria Newspaper reports that supporters of the current model argue that local operators possess community knowledge and intelligence networks that federal agencies may lack, particularly in difficult creek terrain. They contend that engaging indigenous firms has helped reduce vandalism in certain areas.
However, critics have raised concerns about oversight, transparency, and concentration of influence. Some stakeholders in the region have called for either a restructuring of the contract to ensure broader participation by additional firms or a total revocation of the contract in its entirety.
The financial scale of the contract has heightened tensions. At roughly N48 billion per year (said to have been reviewed upwards), the arrangement supports logistics, surveillance operations, staffing, and subcontracting across several communities, a significant economic lever in a region where employment opportunities remain limited.
The upward review of the contract, which Tompolo and his brothers reportedly kept from the public, has reportedly intensified rivalry among former militant leaders and other regional power brokers, some of whom are said to be seeking a share of the surveillance framework or advocating for its restructuring.
Observers note that the situation reflects a broader evolution in the Niger Delta’s post-amnesty landscape. Once associated with armed agitation that disrupted oil production, several former militant figures now play roles within government-backed security arrangements.
Meanwhile, the House of Representatives has commenced a probe into the award and execution of the pipeline surveillance contracts involving the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) under former Managing Director, Mele Kyari. The investigation is expected to examine compliance, performance benchmarks, and financial oversight mechanisms.
Industry analysts who spoke to ENigeria Newspaper suggest that the Federal Government’s eventual decision could take several forms: maintaining the current structure with stricter performance targets, dividing coverage among additional contractors, or increasing the role of state security agencies.
Any change, stakeholders say, would likely reshape the balance of influence in the Niger Delta and signal the administration’s long-term strategy for securing oil infrastructure.
Intense Lobbying and International Engagement
It was recently disclosed that Mathew Tonlagha, vice chairman of Tantita Security Services and owner of Maton Engineering Nigeria Limited, recently entered into a six-month agreement with a Washington-based public affairs firm, Valcour Global Public Strategy.
According to public records, the contract, valued at $120,000 per month from December 15, 2025, to June 14, 2026, is aimed at strengthening bilateral engagement between Nigeria and the United States, including outreach to media and policymakers.
While some view the move as part of broader corporate diplomacy, others interpret it within the context of heightened scrutiny surrounding pipeline security operations.
Awaiting Tinubu’s Decision
The Federal Government has yet to make a final pronouncement on the future of the surveillance contract in the Niger Delta. However, the outcome of the ongoing review and legislative probe is expected to determine whether the current framework will be retained, adjusted, or significantly restructured.
For now, attention remains focused on Abuja, as stakeholders across the Niger Delta await clarity on a contract that sits at the intersection of security, politics, and Nigeria’s oil economy.
